by Kostas Melas
1.
Greece, seen
as a whole, i.e. political system, society, economy and culture, has come to
confront not only a two-dimensional reality, but also but also with clear
specificities that allow relative autonomy of one another. The main reality
consists of the international- European environment into which the Hellenic
society lies integrated. The second reality concerns domestic developments
which are clearly influenced by the first but also by the peculiarities of the
Greek society itself.
We believe that the first reality constitutes a
"new" historical era with clear characteristics that is increasingly
being built into the international environment, making it the predominant
current model. It is therefore appropriate to use the concept of
"judgment" in a macroscopic way to describe the given reality.
In the second reality, it is more appropriate to use
the concept of "crisis" with the more short-term dimension, with
Hippocratic importance, given the enormous economic crisis that has hit the
country. As is well known, an important concept in the field of Hippocratic
medicine is the crisis, that is the moment in the disease progression where
either the disease will prevail and the patient will succumb to death, or the
opposite will happen and the patient will recover. After a crisis, there may be
a recurrence and then another decisive judgment. According to this doctrine,
crises tend to happen on critical days, supposed to be a
specific time after the onset of treatment. If a crisis occurs in a day beyond
the critical days, a relapse should be expected. Hippocrates consider that the
clinical examination should be thorough and repeated, because the diseases are
not static but progressive, the latter of which predetermines their outcome (resolution
or crisis
of the disease).
Based on the above, the global overview of both the
basic characteristics of the so-called postmodern era and of the diachronic
hard core of the grid of domestic social relations is a prerequisite for
understanding what influenced the behavior of Greek society in the last thirty
years.
I will begin with a brief description of the first
reality (For a full description see: Κ. Μελάς, Το
αφόρητο
βουητό
του
κενού, Εκδόσεις
Αγγελάκη 2017).
1.
I will name this reality a time of postmodernity,
differentiating it from the respective era of modernity and following the
dominant tendency.
I could outline this situation as a replacement for
behavior, whose main characteristic is "self-transcendence" with a
behavioral style whose main characteristic is "self-realization".
The analysis of these concepts is presently
unnecessary, but for reasons of basic understanding of our point of view, we
can very briefly refer to them.
Self-transcendence
It
is the imposition of the true or authentic Ego on the lower emotions. Here,
self-discipline is at the forefront, with the aim of achieving internal and
external goals, and subordinating daily activity to long-term goals. The
virtue, in the sense of self-transcendence, has been based upon recognizing the
traditional higher jurisdiction step of Speech, which should bridle the
"animal" layers of existence. The bourgeois concept of personality
combined both an objective - social and an objective - moral point of view,
i.e. it emphasized on one hand the connection of the individual with the
community through the profession, the family, the social class etc. and on the
other hand the "character". Ethical evaluation presupposed the
rational essence of the personality. In the bourgeois era, the Ego was
characterized by the great passion, i.e. the willingness to give everything to
a cause or purpose. The urban Ego, which was under the command of education (in
the broad sense of shaping a multilateral and yet balanced character), was epo
ipso and under the command of accumulation: education was just the accumulation
of spiritual goods on the basis of a fixed property, a stable spiritual core,
and demanded, like the accumulation of material goods, time and labor, as well
as the integration of the individual goals and efforts into a great life plan.
Having previously described the meaning of
self-transcendence, it is easier, at this point, to move forward and describe
the meaning of self-realization.
Self-realization
It
is easy to understand immediately that the first change concerns the conception
of Ego. There is a new concept of Ego. "First of all, there is no longer
the traditional uppermost level of jurisdiction of the Word, which ought to
curb the" animal "layers of existence that, in the light of
hedonistic priorities, are seen by sympathy and understanding because they are
considered as bodies or conscientious pleasure. The Ego is no longer divided
into upper and lower spheres, but is called upon to overcome the suffering of
the old divisions and to taste as a living unity all of its conscientiousness,
all its feelings and all its forces in their interaction"[1].
This need leads to the acquisition of interpretative progenitors from a
psychological view whose interest focuses on the subjective criteria and
intentions of individuals, departing from the criteria of the (objective)
social - ethical view that prevailed in the bourgeois period. This becomes
obvious if we consider that only a psychology-based approach can detect the
diversity of the soul. The installed massive consumer environment offers an
infinite number of choices to individuals, a treaty that imposes unlimited
changes to its needs and desires. The individual loses his stable long-term
orientation and is in a constant search for new "experiences" trying
to achieve his self-realization. Together, all those criteria are lost,
according to which he defined the goals of his life in the long historical course
of his existence. This sense of man's unlimited mundaneability is
characteristic of the mass-democratic era and its essential existential feature
of self-realization. In postmodern culture, the space overtakes time, favoring
the emergence of various narratives about the end of history. We are in the
area of the endless present. The subject in an attempt to self-exert his
existence is exercised in a continuous marker, moving on the spot and
vertically, like an exponential equation with a sure ending a catastrophic
explosion.
Changing the way we behave can be more understandable
if we try to follow the way it manifests itself in most times of social life.
The difference is obvious. For example:
The daily life of democratic societies today,
democracy itself, how far away from the parliamentary democracy of the 1960s
and 1970s, where with all the existing weaknesses (inherent or not) there was a
continuous effort to strengthen and enlarge with the intermediate forms of
democracy, the effort of citizen participation, the creation of the public
household, public time, the safeguarding of civil, individual and social rights
of the citizen. It is so difficult to see that what is called Western democracy
(the established liberal - democratic representative parliamentary system) is
no longer alive in the sense that Apostle Paul mentions. There is no agitation
for life.
The repulsion of agitation is not a random act of
political liberalism; it is the necessary condition of the myth of a social
contract where mutual relations would take the form of transparent
communication between societies. All this formation managed to give the
impression that without confrontation things can be brought to a state of
appeasement and reconciliation. The Enlightenment program, adopted, cheerful
and optimistic, hastened not only to condemn power and violence, but to totally
eliminate it from its ideological arsenal. Here is the result: the policy's
decline in an unqualified process of validating market requirements.
Postmodern ultra-consuming western societies have the
unique God of Money. The functions of money are their only coherent web. A fact
that is evident primarily in the role of finance and finance as a basic
"science" in the field of knowledge. The only God of modern societies
is Money. The Blood of God offers the Blood that flows around us.
At the same time, if we add the existing presence of
control mechanisms in the form of constantly increasing modern electronic
monitoring tools, we will be faced with the dissolution of the privacy of
people. The freedom of privacy has been invoked by the prisoners as an argument
to dethrone the public space. The loss of private life is the result of the
dissolution of public life.
In the era of post-modern mass-democracy, the choice
of privatization means the adoption of standards of private authenticity, which
are constantly and unceasingly spread by the "culture" industry. Zen,
jogging, bodybuilding, natural nutrition, smoking ban, abstinence,
multiculturalism, diversity, cosmetics for men, and everything else that
multinationals are promoting in direct working with those who attempt to
control privacy in indirect political ways. The retreat into privacy and the
continuous attempt of self-realization does not only dissolve external
objectivity, but with it disappears itself subjectivity transformed into an
insignificant whimper, letting society continue its course. The need for
collegiality and collegiality is "sine qua non" for any society.
More and more often, "exception situations"
or "emergencies" are being introduced in the field of governance,
which are imposed on societies in a completely authoritarian way as forms of
sovereignty. What does this position mean for today's global political
situation?
In our view, the state of exception or emergency has
become or tends to become (in a lighter expression) an example of governance.
While initially understood as something unusual, an exception, which could only
apply for a limited period of time through its historical transformation,
became today a normal form of government. Through this concept we can show the
consequences of this change in relation to the state and the democracies we
live in. The main feature of modern "democracies" and the grid of
international relations is the strange relationship between existence and
absence of law, between law and lawlessness. The state of exception establishes
a hidden but fundamental relationship between existence and absence of law.
It is obvious that we are faced with a global state of
emergency on the pretext of the war on terror, or the globalized economic
model, which legitimizes ever more inhibitions of legitimate and other rights.
The rule of law is potentially suspended. Life, "naked life," "sacred
life" is increasingly "politicized", leading to situations that
are just a bit away from totalitarianism. The first step in this direction is
with the decision to give the pride to the private on the state as a result of
claiming the enjoyment of naked life.
But the most striking and in a sense paradox, is the
fact that Western people are "persuaded" about the need for these
measures leading to a state of volition. The current European citizen tends
slowly towards his exploitation. His psyche has been exhausted. Indeed, they
accept with strange passivity the practices of their political leaderships. It
is obvious and it is a strange but true fact that since the clan has publicly
accepted that Mr. X is a great leader - as Kafka points out in "Josephine, the Singer"
- the crowd will applaud him whatever he does, because they feel a strange
commitment to the leader.
The fact that Western societies live in an era of an
utter relinquishment is apparent from the non-acceptance of any positive
Absolute. Unique candidates to become the Absolute are Negative Acts; the
present fighting against the World Terrorism with a series of war interventions
in the Middle East, yesterday the struggle against the "Empire of
Evil" and the Integrative regimes with a hint of the parody of "human
rights". At the altar of those Negative Acts people sacrifice all that was
gained with the uprising of the Republic along with the development of
industrial capitalism, the bourgeoisie and the dynamic coming into the
forefront of the history of the constituted labor movement.
2.
We now turn to the second point, which is about the
reality of the Greek social formation.
Greece operates within the specific political - social
- economic and cultural framework that exists in the so-called West, despite
the particularities and peculiarities[2] it presents as a social formation. It is impossible to distinguish and
display the specialist without the clear knowledge of the general in which the
specialist lives and moves
For the last forty years in Greece, a social formation
has formed, which through a complex system of relations is connected and
embodied in a binding way in the international grids of power. In fact, we have
to seriously think of Greece as a society facing the problems of the
international environment, the later multinational internationalized capitalism
and, in general, what is called post-modernity. This translates into a
continuous effort to search for incentives that motivate individual or
institutional subjects (always socially) to use the means they use to achieve
the goals they have chosen.
Without wishing to tire you, I say that everything I
mentioned earlier, which concerns the international environment in which our
country is a part, obviously applies to it as well. The great picture - i.e.
the general context in which almost all the countries of the world are moving -
is, in senso lato, the main determinant of developments in Greece. We will not
be prototyping by arguing that the ongoing global developments diffuse without
much difficulty in the Greek society, and that they are to a great extent the
substrate of domestic developments. Of course, they diffuse into a peculiar and
peculiar society, engaging in "hybrid" forms, as is the case in the
rest of the world's societies. The diachronic hard core of the grid of domestic
social relations is, in ultima istanza, the ultimate framework for how to
integrate international inputs.
However, Greece suffered as a consequence of the
immediate economic policy pursued by the political leaderships within the euro
area, adopting the projects channeled from the international environment by a
severe economic crisis whose effects resemble those of a war. I will not refer
to the financial results. These are known. I want to focus on the deeper
effects that have affected the core of the social relations that govern the
country.
The crisis in Greece showed cynically and brutally the
real state of society. Stripping it from all the golden feathers that covered
the terrible and frantic times of prosperity, it showed with absolute clarity
all the ideologies of the postmodern approach.
Greek society is also in a state of general confusion,
thus unable to recognize her. Rather, it is better not to recognize what it is.
It is not only the dissolution of any collectivities (essentially and
symbolically) and the prevalence of extreme individualism but it is more: the
prevalence of a completely fragmented atomism that dazzles the individual,
leading it to the search for a more extreme social, repulsive aesthetic and pernicious
political, in order to get caught somewhere to find an excuse for
survival.
Can we really know what we are? We are not sure of
this if society as such can. Existing factual evidence does not lead to this
conclusion. More is confirmed the view that in states which lack sovereignty,
such as the Greek state, and which is hardly to be transformed into a state of
pariah, the people belong to a group of small passive shareholders, following
the unwilling to react to political leaderships.
Their specific weakness leads them to the only process
that allows them to hope for survival: to set up a fake confrontation between
them, completely disregarding the consequences for society and the
country.
Contrary to those who had hoped that the profoundly
multi-faceted crisis that is going through the country would lead to an
elementary qualitative change in the behavior of the country's political
parties, the crude reality justifies all those who dared to support that they
will not only remain but it will also collapse to worse levels. Indeed,
the behavior of political parties leads to painful thoughts that ultimately
"there is no political party that does not go against the homeland"
(Paul Valery, Spirit and Politics).
Sadly, no political party on this issue gives any
explanation. Every party have their own dark spots, their hidden hide-and-seek
and his unspoken dreams; their legacies of reckless things and promises. Those
who have forgotten his plans and what others want to forget. They retire, in
order to survive, all that they promise in order to secure their existence.
They behave "populist" as long as they are out, but mostly when
they are in power.
The constant effort of political parties to impose
their will on the (domestic) rival on the one hand flatters them; on the other
hand, it can ruin the country. Many times it happens to impose the will on
opponents but other times it can be proven (or has been proved) fatally. The
interests of the country must not be confused with the expectations of every
political party. The fulfillment of their desires does not remove us from the
misery or the loss of the country.
Politics is always based on the indifference of the
majority of stakeholders (the silent majority as claimed by R. Nixon), without
which there is no policy option. In this
sense, we could argue that a structural element of politics is the art of
preventing people from being involved in what concerns them. Nowadays, due
to the important social processes and the changes that have taken place at all
times of social development (political, economic, and cultural), it takes the
following form: force people to decide
on things they do not agree with.
Simply put, they are invited to participate in a
process of validating already pre-decided solutions or carefully selected
criteria for alternative proposals, but ending up with practically no result.
The cultural DNA of the Hellenic political system is given. The same applies
for the Hellenic society (Κ. Μελάς, Το
αφόρητο
βουητό
του
κενού). Any mutations are slow and agonizing. There are also attempts for
violent mutations which, due primarily to technical features, lead to failures,
further complicating the "modernization" of the country.
This process has been repeated since the founding of
the Hellenic state and empirically proven (Κ. Μελάς
Μικρά
μαθήματα
για
την
ελληνική
οικονομία). Political parties continue to have the same behavior they have had
since the founding of the Hellenic state, towards people, in order to present
them either victories and triumphs, or dramatic conflicts and
"complaints" against opponents.
.